Bitter Harvest: Zimbabwe and the Aftermath of its Independence
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For more than a decade, Ian Smith served as Rhodesia's Prime Minister during the era of white minority rule. Following his death in 2007, he is still a man with the ability to excite powerful emotions. To some he is a leader whose formidable integrity led him into head-to-head confrontation with the Labor government of Britain in the 1960s. To others he is a demon best known for stating "I don't believe in black majority rule ever, not in a thousand years," for staunchly opposing Britain's insistence that majority rule be implemented before the nation’s independence, and for imprisoning the leadership of the newly emerged black nationalist movement. In this revealing autobiography, Smith tells his own side of the story and reveals how he sought to keep Rhodesia on a path to full democracy during the West's decolonization of Africa. He tells the remarkable story behind the signing of the country’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence and addresses the excesses of power that the current president, Robert Mugabe, has used to create the virtual dictatorship which exists in Zimbabwe today. This is a revealing and prescient historical document from a controversial figure charting the rise and fall of a once-great nation.
there were two warships, Fearless and Kent, moored alongside one another in the harbour, and the British occupied the former and the Rhodesians the latter. Wilson’s two cabinet colleagues were Elwyn Jones, the lawyer, and George Thomson, the quietspoken Scot. Wilson certainly went out of his way to show courtesy and consideration, as did the rest of the British, except Jones, who seemed to have a chip on his shoulder and believed that his mission in life was to be unfriendly to
In spite of the short duration of our association, because of the stress and tension under which we had been living we had grown close to one another. Understanding and trust had been built up, so there was emotion at our farewell. I appreciated their gratitude when they said that had it not been for my assistance they would still be behind enemy lines. As they were now in safe hands, I could leave them with a clear conscience. V: THE END OF WAR S adly, my hoped-for posting to Britain and the
black neighbours, and began to distance itself from the pariah regime in Salisbury. Variously, Smith sought to involve Abel Muzorewa and Ndabaningi Sithole, Rhodesia’s ‘internal’ black leaders, and even Joshua Nkomo, the Matabele leader and most prestigious of the insurgent ‘external’ black politicians, in the search for a solution.After the failure of a conference promoted by Kissinger in 1976, Smith played his last card of an ‘internal’ settlement, all the while assailing Britain, the US and
should be requested to leave. This would involve more than half the present membership. What a breath of fresh air that would be! There must be many members of the free world society who join me in condemning dictators who suppress freedom of thought, speech and action. What is truly amazing is the number of political leaders who condone such behaviour and turn a blind eye to it. Following the same line of thought, there is another world organisation deserving of examination: the so-called
service salaries had been illegal for the past two and a half years. The current government were in effective control, and there were no signs of internal dissent. In fact, recent by-elections had confirmed support for them.‘In this situation this Court, if it carries on at all, can only carry on as a court taking cognisance of the fact that the present Government is now the de jure Government and the 1965 constitution the only valid constitution, which this Court now proceeds to do.’ In a