Darfur and the Crime of Genocide (Cambridge Studies in Law and Society)
John Hagan, Wenona Rymond-Richmond
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In 2004, the State Department gathered more than a thousand interviews from refugees in Chad that verified Colin Powell's U.N. and congressional testimonies about the Darfur genocide. The survey cost nearly a million dollars to conduct and yet it languished in the archives as the killing continued, claiming hundreds of thousands of murder and rape victims and restricting several million survivors to camps. This book for the first time fully examines that survey and its heartbreaking accounts. It documents the Sudanese government's enlistment of Arab Janjaweed militias in destroying black African communities. The central questions are: Why is the United States so ambivalent to genocide? Why do so many scholars deemphasize racial aspects of genocide? How can the science of criminology advance understanding and protection against genocide? This book gives a vivid firsthand account and voice to the survivors of genocide in Darfur.
107, 119, 136, 138 training camps, 127–29 al Bashir, 142 Hinton, Alexander collective racial intent, 221–22 genocidal priming, 168 Kebkabiya, 131 HLM. See hierarchical linear models racial epithets, 179, 189, 227 Hoile, David, xxiii–xxiv Shineibat, 151 Holocaust, The, 46–49 state-led bombing, 181, 189, 191 cold war, 48 Justice and Equality Movement, 33, 112, Howard, Jonathan, 81 114, 208 INDEX 267 Kapila, Mukesh, 140, 162 Masalit tribe, 15, 108, 126 testimony on Darfur, 71–72
ADS sample, 173 Karnoi, 131, 134, 138, 173, 210, 227 racial epithets, 178, 189, 229 Katz, Jack victimization, 180, 232 righteous slaughter, 166–67 Masteri, 14–27 Kebkabiya, 127, 138 joint criminal enterprise, 16–20 Khartoum, xxii, 10, 112 looting and livestock, 23–27 al Bashir government, 29 rapes, 20–23 Harun, Ahmad, 146 rebel activity, 16 Hilal, Musa, 123 Masteria, 127 rebel activity, 114 Matsueda, Ross Shineibat, Abdullah Mustafa Abu, collective action theory, 119 152
social hierarchy and social organization in the explanation of war crimes and white-collar crimes. They also struggled against some similarly repressive practical and soci- etal pressures in developing their respective concepts and careers. Their scholarship would have been better served by cooperation than by com- petition. To better understand the political environment that Glueck and Sutherland confronted in the peak of their careers in the 1940s, and that their successors struggled
presence there still low, ranging from 6 to 13 percent. The media study described earlier identified seven of the settlement areas in our analysis as being the location of rebel activity.34 We included both the ADS and media measures of rebel activ- ity in our analyses. Two waves of attacks in Darfur corresponded with the peak peri- ods of refugee flight. About one-quarter of the sample fled during the three months of first-wave attacks, and about half fled during the four months of the
fer little from those in the Global North, where gangs recruit youth for their loyalty, fearlessness, willingness to take risks, and readily renew- able availability.20 In addition, like gang members in the Global North, these youth adopt media-driven symbols of rebellion. In Darfur and else- where in Africa, these menacing images include wraparound sunglasses, displays of weapons, and sometimes small leather pouches worn with string around their necks and containing good-luck pieces.