Routledge Handbook of African Politics
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Providing a comprehensive and cutting edge examination of this important continent, Routledge Handbook of African Politics surveys the key debates and controversies, dealing with each of the major issues to be found in Africa’s politics today.
Structured into 6 broad areas, the handbook features over 30 contributions focused around:
- The State
- Democracy and Electoral Politics
- Political Economy & Development
- International Relations
Each chapter deals with a specific topic, providing an overview of the main arguments and theories and explaining the empirical evidence that they are based on, drawing on high-profile cases such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Nigeria, Somalia, South Africa, Rwanda and Zimbabwe. The Handbook also contains new contributions on a wide range of topical issues, including terrorism, the growing influence of China, civil war, and transitional justice, making it required reading for non-specialists and experts alike.
Featuring both established scholars and emerging researchers, this is a vital resource for all students of African Studies, democratization, conflict resolution and Third World politics.
Laitin’s (2003) updated civil war dataset. 2According to the Battle Deaths Dataset from the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo, there were about 1,750,000 battlefield deaths due to civil wars in Africa between 1956 and 2005 (Lacina and Gleditsch 2005). This does not include war-related deaths due to disease, malnutrition, etc., which would increase the figure into the tens of millions. 3This chapter focuses on ethnic cleavages – that is, when individuals with shared ancestry and
objectives of transitional justice. This opening section highlights that, while transitional justice mechanisms are commonly advocated to address the legacies of a divided past, their precise aims are rarely clear. Second, tensions between the specific aims of peace and justice have generated heated debates in a wide range of African transitional settings. This issue is especially prevalent following the advent of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the growing expectation that
legislature will be populated by reformers seeking to expand the powers of the institution to which they belong. This largely explains why a powerful and sustained coalition for change emerged in the Kenya National Assembly, while such a coalition has not emerged in the legislatures of Benin, Ghana, Senegal, and Uganda. It may also explain why civil society organizations, professional associations, and businesses in Kenya and South Africa have developed the practice of lobbying the legislature,
negotiations under GATT, including the Uruguay Round (1986–93), from which the WTO was born. As of January 2011 the WTO had 153 members, including 42 African countries. In addition, 31 countries are observers, including nine African countries. Only two African countries – Eritrea and Somalia – had neither membership nor observer status. The WTO (like its predecessor) strives to provide a more predictable trade environment and plays an important role in facilitating negotiations among many
in Africa (see Khadiagala, this volume). Conclusion Federalist governance principles have been extensively, if often grudgingly and unsuccessfully, invoked and implemented in Africa. These principles are a fundamental feature of the architecture of governance in some of the continent’s larger and more ethnically complex states, including Nigeria, South Africa, and Ethiopia. While they have abandoned or resisted fully fledged federal constitutions, most of the continent’s multi-ethnic states